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Title : PORTRAIT OF AN ALT.RIGHT WHITE SUPREMACIST LEADER: ELI MOSLEY
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PORTRAIT OF AN ALT.RIGHT WHITE SUPREMACIST LEADER: ELI MOSLEY

How Our Reporter Uncovered a Lie That Propelled an Alt-Right Extremist’s Rise

I had pictured the phone call going a lot of different ways, but I hadn’t quite prepared for this.Eli

I thought he might swear at me and then hang up. Maybe he would try to turn the conversation around, attacking me and the credibility of The New York Times. Or maybe he would become contrite and emotional, and finally answer some real questions. But I never thought he would just deny it.

As a reporter and video producer, I had been following Elliott Kline, a.k.a. Eli Mosley, for almost five months at this point. He played a key role in organizing the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Va., where a 32-year-old woman, Heather Heyer, was killed and about 20 others were wounded when a white nationalist drove his car through a crowd of counterprotesters.

Eli was in his mid-20s, from a middle-class suburban home, and he had led an unremarkable life, up until the Charlottesville rally launched him forward within the ranks of the loosely organized white-nationalist movement. He rose from a self-described “anonymous Twitter troll” to head of one of the largest groups in the so-called alt-right.

“I came to the realization around the inauguration that we must take this from an online activist movement to a real-life activist movement,” he told me. “I decided that was my calling.”

After a few phone calls, Eli agreed to give me an on-camera interview, at Richard Spencer’s apartment in Alexandria, Va. Spencer, 39, plays the big brother to many teenagers and 20-somethings drawn to the alt-right, and his one-bedroom apartment has become a frat house for white nationalists passing through the D.C. area. When I was there, a steady stream of young men (and an occasional woman) flowed in and out. Although Eli lives less than an hour away, he often crashes there on late nights spent drinking and planning the next event. He proudly told me he always gets the couch, while others sleep on the floor.

After a short time filming behind the scenes with Eli and his associates, a theme emerged. He kept emphasizing a connection between the military and the alt-right. He said many of his compatriots were veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan who had become disillusioned with the American political system after fighting in unwinnable conflicts. In his telling, members of the alt-right were patriotic Americans who had come to their extreme worldview through honorable life experience, not hatred.

He mentioned that he too had served in Iraq. But when I asked him to elaborate, he waved off the question. “It was boring.”

Boring? I had heard soldiers say they experienced periods of boredom on deployment, but I had never heard anyone sum up time in a war zone that way. I emailed the Army to verify details of his service. While I waited to hear back from them, my colleagues and I combed through alt-right podcasts in which he talked about his life.

The podcasts were laced with the most abhorrent racist vulgarities I had ever heard. Not only did they reveal more about Eli’s war story, but they also gave me insight into how he talked before he became media conscious and sanitized his message. With me, he insisted that the media unfairly applies labels like white supremacist and neo-Nazi to members of the alt-right “to browbeat white people out of identity politics.” But in the podcasts, recorded less than a year ago, he and his friends were unabashedly racist and anti-Semitic. He also spun tales of being embedded with the Iraqi Army, of being on the lookout for Chechen snipers, and of killing “muds,” a racial slur for Arabs.

When I got paperwork back from the Army and the National Guard confirming that he had never deployed, I was not surprised. At the same time, I couldn’t believe he would lie so boldly, first to his fellow members of the alt-right and then to a Times reporter, on camera.

His parents declined to speak with me, but I called some of his former friends and fellow soldiers, who told me Eli had wanted to deploy but his timing was off: He graduated from high school in 2010 and went straight on to a couple of semesters of college; by the end of 2011, the last troops had left Iraq. They also confirmed that Eli’s unit in the Pennsylvania National Guard did not deploy anywhere else during the roughly six years he served, and neither did he.

I wanted to give Eli a chance to respond to my findings, and I pondered the different ways I could bring it up. I was nervous about confronting him in person. What if he attacked me and my filmmaking partner, Andrew Michael Ellis, upon realizing that he had been found out?

I talked with The Times’s security consultant, who helped me outline a contingency plan. But in the end I didn’t have to worry, because he said no to another on-camera interview. Didn’t I have enough material by now, he asked?

So I picked up the phone and called him. After informing him that I was recording the call, I launched right in.

“The Army tells me that you did not deploy.”

He paused. “The Army tells you?”

I explained that I had gotten his official records from the Army and the National Guard.

“So did you go to Iraq?” I asked.

“I was in Kuwait,” he said. “I told you that before.”

“You told me you went to Kuwait and then you went to Iraq.”

“Basically, it’s very similar the way it works,” he said.

We talked for a while longer and his story kept changing, but he did not back down. He wavered between blaming a military clerical error and saying that a military form he would send me would clear up the confusion once and for all.

He still hasn’t sent me the form, or any other proof that he deployed. He also doesn’t have any photos. (He had already told me that he lost them all when his Facebook account was shut down.)

Like many of his peers, Eli was already using an invented name (Eli Mosley was inspired by the British fascist leader Oswald Mosley). So why not make up a few autobiographical details, especially ones to boost his reputation?

The movement itself also relies on falsehoods. It includes Holocaust deniers and pseudo-intellectuals who spout unsubstantiated theories about the science behind racial difference. In order to reach mainstream Americans, white supremacists have learned to cloak their racism in disorienting terms like “white identity politics.”

Deception is baked into the alt-right, so Eli Mosley is a perfect match for the movement.

NOTE:  Eli and the rest of the Alt.Right scumbags were thrilled when Trump was elected.  

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